The present monograph, at first, seeks to present the proposals which the British Government had submitted in the context of its foreign policy before the grant of independence to the Republic of Cyprus in 1959. It initially examines the gist of the ideas embodied in the constitutional plans for Cyprus as these were elaborated in the course of negotiations. Then it provides an analysis of the structure and peculiarities of the current Cyprus Constitution. Further, it comprises thoughts on a settlement of the Cyprus problem, and ends up with the conclusion that, despite its drawbacks, this very political Constitution, with some fundamental amendments, could form the basis for a viable settlement of the pending international Cyprus Question. Secondly, the role of the United States in the Cyprus dispute has been of utmost importance. This has been especially so from 1960 onwards. It would therefore be necessary to thoroughly examine its role. The present chapter constitutes overwhelmingly an analysis of the American policy toward Cyprus as follows: (i) US Policy in the Colonial period of the Cyprus Question, (ii) the independent Republic of Cyprus and the United States, (iii) The Acheson Plan and (iv) the events leading to 1974 and the US role. Thirdly, this monograph explores the role of the Western Powers, particularly the United States of America, in the context of the United Nations efforts to settle the Cyprus Problem. The analysis moves on four lines: (a) the period before independence, (b) the period after the inter-communal fighting until 1974, (c) the period from the Turkish intervention 1974 to the present date and (d) an evaluation of the UN Political Organs’ role in the international dispute settlement. Fourthly, the monograph analyses the security policy that should be pursued in settling the international problem of Cyprus. Initially, it proves that the international community through the United Nations has not been successful in providing security for Cyprus over the last decades; it proves that the system of Guarantor States does not comply with rules of international political morality. Then, it explores ways in which security can be achieved in cooperation with the United Kingdom Government and the British Sovereign Base Areas. Further it extensively examines how NATO, and, in particular, the United States, Greece and Israel could fruitfully contribute to security arrangements on the island. Furthermore, gas politics is pointed out as being a factor which could ensure security in the Mediterranean region in the context of the current negotiations for a solution of the Cyprus issue.